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The Story of Mankind [183]

By Root 2330 0
of millions of men. They were chanting a

hymn of progress, and four years of slaughter followed their

prayers for peace. ``Is it worth while,'' so they ask, ``to work

and slave for the benefit of creatures who have not yet passed

beyond the stage of the earliest cave men?''



There is but one answer.



That answer is ``Yes!''



The World War was a terrible calamity. But it did not

mean the end of things. On the contrary it brought about the

coming of a new day.



It is easy to write a history of Greece and Rome or the

Middle Ages. The actors who played their parts upon that

long-forgotten stage are all dead. We can criticize them with

a cool head. The audience that applauded their efforts has

dispersed. Our remarks cannot possibly hurt their feelings.



But it is very difficult to give a true account of contemporary

events. The problems that fill the minds of the people

with whom we pass through life, are our own problems, and

they hurt us too much or they please us too well to be described

with that fairness which is necessary when we are writing

history and not blowing the trumpet of propaganda. All

the same I shall endeavour to tell you why I agree with poor

Condorcet when he expressed his firm faith in a better future.



Often before have I warned you against the false impression

which is created by the use of our so-called historical

epochs which divide the story of man into four parts, the ancient

world, the Middle Ages, the Renaissance and the Reformation,

and Modern Time. The last of these terms is the most

dangerous. The word ``modern'' implies that we, the people

of the twentieth century, are at the top of human achievement.

Fifty years ago the liberals of England who followed the leadership

of Gladstone felt that the problem of a truly representative

and democratic form of government had been solved forever

by the second great Reform Bill, which gave workmen

an equal share in the government with their employers. When

Disraeli and his conservative friends talked of a dangerous

``leap in the dark'' they answered ``No.'' They felt certain of

their cause and trusted that henceforth all classes of society

would co-operate to make the government of their common

country a success. Since then many things have happened,

and the few liberals who are still alive begin to understand

that they were mistaken.



There is no definite answer to any historical problem.



Every generation must fight the good fight anew or perish

as those sluggish animals of the prehistoric world have

perished.



If you once get hold of this great truth you will get a new

and much broader view of life. Then, go one step further

and try to imagine yourself in the position of your own great-

great-grandchildren who will take your place in the year

10,000. They too will learn history. But what will they

think of those short four thousand years during which we have

kept a written record of our actions and of our thoughts?

They will think of Napoleon as a contemporary of Tiglath

Pileser, the Assyrian conqueror. Perhaps they will confuse

him with Jenghiz Khan or Alexander the Macedonian. The

great war which has just come to an end will appear in the light

of that long commercial conflict which settled the supremacy

of the Mediterranean when Rome and Carthage fought during

one hundred and twenty-eight years for the mastery of the sea.

The Balkan troubles of the 19th century (the struggle for

freedom of Serbia and Greece and Bulgaria and Montenegro)

to them will seem a continuation of the disordered conditions

caused by the Great Migrations. They will look at pictures

of the Rheims cathedral which only yesterday was destroyed

by German guns as we look upon a photograph of the Acropolis

ruined two hundred and fifty years ago during a war

between the Turks and the Venetians. They will regard the

fear of death, which is still common among
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