The Streets Were Paved with Gold - Ken Auletta [135]
New York’s democracy collapsed because New York was, paradoxically, the victim of too much—and too little—democracy: a plethora of special-interest groups combined with short-sighted politicians and a self-centered electorate. The dilemma was anticipated by the Founding Fathers. In Federalist Paper No. 10, Publius—in this essay, James Madison—urged the Constitution’s ratification because, he said, the elaborate system of checks and balances would prevent any “faction” or special interest from dominating the common public interest. But Madison did not want to banish “factions.” Quite the contrary. He understood that they were as necessary to the functioning of a democracy as air to breathing. “The inference to which we are brought,” he wrote, “is that the causes of faction cannot be removed and that relief is only to be sought in the means of controlling its effects.” The effects would be controlled by dividing power between the state and federal governments, between the executive, legislative and judicial branches, between a popularly elected House of Representatives and a more elitist Senate, between the right to vote and the Bill of Rights. America was to be both a democracy and a republic. And for a democratic republic to work, said Publius, elected officials need search for the broader public interest and not “sacrifice it to temporary or partial considerations.”
In New York, the “factions” went unchecked. City Hall was bombarded by what Douglas Yates of Yale has aptly called “street-fighting pluralism.” Groups vied to get theirs. The party organization demanded patronage. The banks angled to sell their services for interest-free deposits, underwriting fees and extortionate interest rates. The politically connected wanted their day-care center leases; the construction unions, their public works; the builders, their permits. The municipal unions, their lavish benefits. David Rockefeller, his World Trade Center. Tenants, their rent control and subsidized middle-income housing. Blacks, their own community control; Hispanics, their bilingual education. Government did not just protect; it rewarded. Interests inevitably clashed. The federal poverty program pushed for more community participation and local politicians for more control. Cops were pitted against community forces in opposition to a Civilian Review Board. As were teachers in opposition to local school boards. Often, there was “right” on both sides. Community school boards said they wanted the freedom to choose who would educate their children, and teachers said they wanted the protection of seniority and due process. The city administration wanted to further the