The Two Koreas_ A Contemporary History - Don Oberdorfer [24]
Habib, a tough-talking, politically astute Foreign Service veteran from Brooklyn with extensive previous experience in Korea, was furious that his embassy had obtained no early warning of Park's surprise from its own sources. As he was well aware, the timing for the move had been chosen with care. Only three weeks earlier, Washington had done nothing when Philippine president Ferdinand Marcos, in a very similar maneuver that had been closely watched by Park, declared martial law and jettisoned his country's existing political institutions. Both Marcos and Park had sprung their power grabs during the campaign period of a U.S. presidential election, when American presidents are more reluctant than usual to make controversial deci sions in foreign affairs. The Nixon-Kissinger White House, which prided itself on realpolitik in diplomacy, was fixated on the politically difficult situation in Vietnam, according to then-Assistant Secretary of State Marshall Green, at the time the State Department's senior Asia expert. "They didn't have time to be bothered" by Korea developments, he recalled.
With the plans drawn up and already in motion, Habib reported to Washington that "only the most drastic, positive and immediate actions by the U.S. might turn Park from the course on which he has embarked." In a pivotal judgment that established the limits of American engagement, Habib declared that "it is not incumbent upon the U.S. to take on the responsibility of getting Park to reverse his course within the next few hours. Nevertheless, we believe that in the long run, Park is creating major problems for himself and for his relationship with us and with others." Habib recommended that "we should be extremely circumspect in our public comments while making it clear that we are not in any way associated with the government's internal actions."
Washington accepted the advice of its ambassador and decided not to oppose Park's actions. The State Department cabled Habib, "We agree that [Park's] contemplated measures are unnecessary, and have grave reservations about the course he has embarked upon." Habib was instructed to tell Park that taking such a far-reaching decision without a serious exchange of views with the United States, was "incomprehensible in light of the past sacrifices and present support which we have given to the Republic of Korea and specifically to the present government." Nevertheless, no action was recommended to change Park's mind. If he were asked whether the United States would recommend against imposing martial law, Habib was instructed to answer that "this is an internal matter... It is up to him to decide."
Washington's main concern seemed to be the proposed public statement accompanying the announcement, citing the American rapprochement with China and the resulting international fluidity as among the new perils to the Republic of Korea that justified drastic action. Habib was instructed to protest these statements, and in Washington Secretary of State William Rogers took them up personally with Korean ambassador Kim Dong Jo-all before the bombshell declaration was made public in Seoul. The references to U.S. policy in the prepared announcement were dropped, although to Washington's displeasure some references to maneuvering by "big powers" were retained. The Korean foreign minister solemnly told Habib that the phrase "big powers" was not intended to include the United States.
After Park's announcement had been made and tanks and troops had been put into the streets to implement martial law, after political figures had been arrested or silenced and the sometimes- fiesty Korean