Theodore Rex - Edmund Morris [347]
118 America was no longer See H. T. Newcomb, “The Recent Great Railway Combinations,” Review of Reviews, Aug. 1901. By now, nearly all the railroads had been consolidated into the hands of a half-dozen operators (Mowry, Era of Theodore Roosevelt, 7).
119 According to a Lewis L. Gould, The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt (Lawrence, Kans., 1991), 28; Thorelli, Federal Antitrust Policy, 255n; Ray Stannard Baker, “John Pierpont Morgan,” McClure’s, Oct. 1901; New York Herald, 16 Sept. 1901.
120 roosevelt liked morgan TR, Letters, vol. 1, 58; vol. 2, 1238, 1450; and vol. 3, 42; Herbert L. Satterlee, J. Pierpont Morgan (New York, 1975), 363; Lewis Corey, The House of Morgan (New York, 1975), 253.
121 Leyland Steamship Lines Baker, “John Pierpont Morgan.” This purchase, made in the summer of 1901, sent shock waves of apprehension through London’s financial community. Morgan sought to soothe local stockbrokers by protesting, “America is good enough for me.” William Jennings Bryan’s Commoner quipped, “Whenever he doesn’t like it, he can give it back to us” (qu. in Sullivan, Our Times, vol. 2, 355).
122 Control, indeed, was William H. Harbaugh, The Life and Times of Theodore Roosevelt, rev. ed. (New York, 1975), 157–58; Baker, “John Pierpont Morgan”; The New York Times, 31 Mar. 1913; Mowry, Era of Theodore Roosevelt, 14; Faulkner, Decline of Laissez-Faire, 38, 374; Review of Reviews, Apr. 1901.
123 To his mind TR, Autobiography, 439–40; Chandler, Visible Hand, 175.
124 “The vast individual” TR, Works, vol. 15, 331–32.
125 “I owe the public” Corey, House of Morgan, 301.
126 If they were Ibid.; Lincoln Steffens, “The Overworked President,” McClure’s 18.6 (Apr. 1902). The latter article describes the United States government in terms of a trust much larger than United States Steel, with “the equivalent of a capital, not of a hundred millions, but a hundred billions,” benefiting some seventy-six million stockholders—in effect, the greatest business organization in the world.
127 elsewhere in the train Kohlsaat, From McKinley, 100–101.
128 at four minutes past Buffalo Express, 17 Sept. 1901.
129 the steep climb The New York Times and New York Herald, 17 Sept. 1901.
130 Boys, youths, and old Photographs and text in Peter Roberts, Anthracite Coal Communities: A Study of the Demography, the Social, Educational, and Moral Life of the Anthracite Regions (New York, 1904); John Mitchell, “The Mine Worker’s Life and Aims,” Cosmopolitan, Oct. 1901.
131 Roosevelt knew that Mitchell, “Mine Worker’s,” passim; Roberts, Anthracite Communities, 15; David Montgomery, “American Labor, 1865–1902: The Early Industrial Era,” Monthly Labor Review 99.7 (July 1976).
132 These boys John R. Commons et al., History of Labor in the United States, 1896–1932 (New York, 1935), vol. 3, 402–5; Roberts, Anthracite Communities, passim; Harold W. Aurand, “Social Motivation of the Anthracite Mine Workers: 1900–1920,” Labor History 18 (summer 1977).
133 Roosevelt understood As early as 1897, in his review of Brooks Adams’s The Law of Civilization and Decay, TR had publicly declared that the poverty-stricken mass “constitutes a standing menace, not merely to our property, but to our existence” (TR, Works, vol. 14, 135). By 1901, fewer than 4 percent of United States workers were unionized, and the cost of living was rising at a steady 7 percent. Faulkner, Decline of Laissez-Faire, 280, 252–54.
134 Trade-union membership Gould, Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, 34–35; TR, Works, vol. 16, 509; George F. Baer, “Statement Regarding the Anthracite Strike,” 10 June 1902 (GWP); Robert J. Cornell, The Anthracite Coal Strike of 1902 (Washington, D.C., 1957), 54–57.
135 Roosevelt had been See TR, Letters, vol. 1, 100–101; Morris, Rise of Theodore Roosevelt, 733; TR, Works, vol. 15, 331. See Howard L. Hurwitz,