They Were Divided - Miklos Banffy [103]
‘You perhaps do not know that they have been in secret contact for quite a time. They came together over the universal suffrage proposals, and those form the first part of the Heir’s programme for Hungary. Other things will come later.’
‘What “other things”?’
Franz-Ferdinand’s confidential envoy barely hesitated before he uttered that old diplomats’ familiar plea for secrecy, ‘Unter uns, natürlich – just between ourselves, of course!’ and then started to explain:
The first step, he said, would be a manifesto from the ruler. The principal item would be the introduction of universal suffrage. The importance of national defence would be touched upon, as would the need slightly to modify the terms of the Compromise so as to put an end to all the current bickering. The existing Parliament would be asked only to pass the necessary legislation for the suffrage proposals and the defence estimates – both with validity for one year – and the government, which would have been in on the planning of this programme, would then prorogue Parliament as soon as these two measures had become law. Everything else, the coronation and the proclaiming and passing of the laws needed for bringing about the centralization of the Monarchy, would be the task of the next Parliament.
‘In that case,’ interrupted Balint, ‘the first thing is to make sure that whatever proposals Kristoffy makes to the House are accepted by a decent majority. Frankly, I find that most unlikely.’
‘Lukacs will bring over the radicals in the government party and Justh will be followed by the whole Independent clan. When that happens the People’s Party would naturally join us too. All that would be left against us would be Tisza and his lot.’
‘Just let us suppose all this happens. Do not forget that with this political grouping Justh would be the only leader with a majority; and can you imagine him voting for an increase in Austrian power and centralization, and not for his own programme based on the union of our two countries only through the person of the monarch who sits on both thrones? Justh will be careful to see that the suffrage proposals, and the redrawing of constituency boundaries, are all to his own party’s advantage. And I’m sure that even if today he seems to agree to accept revision of the Compromise and the centralization of the Monarchy, even if he goes so far as to give in over the army proposals, he’ll only do it with the secret reservation that the revised voting laws ensure the supremacy of his Independent Party. In the case that the future reforms have to be introduced by Justh, then the future ruler will find himself in a far greater predicament than Franz-Josef has ever done. And, even if this does not happen, any collaboration between Lukacs, Kristoffy and Justh is bound to fall apart at the first strain put upon it. What then?’
‘Then we would bring in our own voting laws and proceed accordingly!’
‘Do you really believe it would work? That you’d be able so easily to create a majority that would approve …’, and here Balint paused as he searched for some ironic phrase to clothe his real thoughts, ‘… would approve of what you have planned so neatly?’
‘Mein Gott – my God!’ replied Slawata forcefully. ‘The Belvedere “workshop” certainly believes it possible. We count on Lukacs to carry at least half, possibly two-thirds, of the government party; Kristoffy the radicals – though it’s true there are not many of them and those mostly intellectuals – and most of the minorities. So Justh would just have to join in, and the socialists with him. That’s how Kristoffy sees it … and also Milan Hodzsa.’
‘Hodzsa? Is he part of all this too?’
‘Of course! His Highness has much confidence in him.’
For a few moments there was silence between the two men. Then Abady spoke, and his manner was both serious and unusually dry.
‘I find all this alarmingly adventuresome, and very dangerous, as much to the Archduke as to anyone else. The mere fact of a change of monarch constitutes a crisis. To add to it a general election,