To the Last Man - Jeff Shaara [380]
In many of Germany’s larger cities, riots had broken out, workers loudly echoing the sentiments of the Russian Bolsheviks. The growing anarchy had infected the military as well, the port cities to the north seething with violence from sailors who had abandoned their ships. The mutinies and mass desertions had now spread to the army’s security forces that guarded the cities. From Cologne to Munich, and finally, to Berlin itself, the despair of the German people had exploded into desperation, made worse by the news of the retreat of their army. The failure of the kaiser to control his own country had given his enemies more ammunition for their protests, the kind of violence that was rapidly drawing the country into a civil war. Though the kaiser clung mightily to the fantasy that his army would still support him, his own generals finally convinced him that the reality was far different. As Erzberger and Foch endured the contentious atmosphere of their meetings, a wire was received from Berlin. On November 10, as the mobs in Berlin threatened to invade the Reichstag itself, Kaiser Wilhelm escaped their wrath by discreetly boarding a train bound for Holland. The kaiser had abdicated his throne.
The kaiser’s sudden absence made little difference to the negotiators. What remained of an organized German government was now in the hands of the chancellor, Max von Baden, the man who had given Erzberger the authority to negotiate the armistice in the first place. The German delegation had come to Compiègne with hopes of an immediate cease-fire, which might help restore order inside of Germany, and as well, provide their army with the opportunity to organize its forces. Foch realized immediately that the German delegation had no leverage to push the negotiations their own way. Erzberger had to concede that Foch was right.
The terms of the armistice were severe and absolute. All foreign territory occupied by German forces was to be abandoned, and as the German troops pulled away, they would be closely followed by Allied forces, who would eventually occupy the western bank of the Rhine River. Germany would turn over most of its remaining artillery pieces, machine guns, aircraft, railway cars and locomotives, and all submarines and naval vessels would be disarmed and held captive in German ports. Erzberger could not agree to the terms on his own authority, and the response from Berlin was entirely predictable. Von Baden and Erzberger might protest, but Germany was in no position to dictate anything. At five-ten a.m., on November 11, the German delegates signed the armistice. Foch’s order had been transmitted immediately afterward:
Hostilities will cease on the entire front at 11 o’clock, November 11th (French hour). The allied troops will not go beyond the line reached at that hour on that date until further orders.
Marshal Foch, 5:45 a.m.
PERSHING KNEW WHY THE GERMANS HAD APPROACHED WOODROW Wilson with their peace overtures. For nearly a year, the American president had been championing his “Fourteen Points,” Wilson’s clear-cut solution to ending the war, with terms that would satisfy Wilson’s idealistic view of how the world should be. The terms were inarguably fair to the Germans, and to American interests. But the French and British had other ideas. In all of Pershing’s discussions with Foch or Haig, Clemenceau or Lloyd George, there was no hint that anyone was interested in what was fair. For the first time since he had set foot in France, Pershing felt more aligned with their views than he did with his own president.