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Abril also could not tell them what the future of Spain might be-not only because it would be inappropriate to, but because he truly didn't know.

"Deputy Serrador and General Amadori both released some very powerful opposing forces," he said. "Ethnic and cultural differences have been inflamed. I hope-yet am not hopeful-that they can be doused."

"We'll all be praying for the best," Hood said.

The ambassador thanked him.

After Hood hung up, Herbert muttered a few graphic Southern expressions for the ambassador and his secrecy-though Ron Plummer reminded him that Abril was acting according to protocol.

"I remember how upset Jimmy Carter was when the American hostages were released from Tehran," he said. "The Iranians waited until Ronald Reagan had been sworn in to let them go. When former President Carter telephoned the White House to find out if the Americans were free, he was told that that information was classified. He had to find out about it much later."

Herbert was not appeased. He picked up the phone on the armrest of his wheelchair and called his office. He asked his assistant to phone Interpol and ask the spotters for an update on the situation at the palace. Less than two minutes later he was informed that the shooting had stopped and, in the few areas of the courtyard they could see, the police seemed to be in control. A call to Stephen Viens and a check with NRO satellites confirmed that soldiers were being disarmed in other parts of the compound and civilians were being led out to a Red Cross facility that was being set up outside the Cathedral of the Almudena.

Herbert grinned triumphantly. "What do you say we inform Abril that "diplomatic channels" include a lot more stations than they used to."

The call from McCaskey finally came at seven-forty-five. Hood put it on the speakerphone. McCaskey said he was whipped and suffering from three broken ribs and a bruised kidney. Otherwise, he said, he was in good spirits. María and Luis were in surgery but both were expected to pull through.

"I'll be staying here for a while to recover," McCaskey said. "Hope that isn't a problem."

"No problem at all," Hood said. "Stay until you recover everything you feel you need."

McCaskey thanked him.

They did not discuss McCaskey's role in killing General Amadori. That would not be discussed until someone from Op-Center-probably Mike Rodgers-flew over to debrief him. It was understood among intelligence agents that assassination must be treated with an almost ceremonial reverence. Debriefing must be done face to face, like confession. That helped to ensure that killing a leader or spy, while sometimes necessary, would never be taken casually.

"There is one thing I'd like to do as soon as possible," McCaskey said.

"What's that?" Hood asked.

"There's been a lot of religious unrest here," McCaskey said. "General de la Vega tells me that it appears that General Superior González, leader of the Jesuits in Spain, was a strong supporter of General Amadori. The General Superior was overcome with tear gas in Striker's assault-he'd been meeting with the general in the throne room. There is certain to be a Vatican investigation."

"That's going to make a lot of Spaniards very unhappy," Rodgers said. "Especially if the General Superior denies the charges and loyalties are strained between the Jesuits and other Roman Catholics."

"It's all going to help contribute to the collapse of Spain as we knew it," McCaskey said, "which everyone here believes is imminent. Someone who spoke directly with the prime minister told General de la Vega that a new constitution is already being worked on-one that will allow the different regions virtual autonomy under a very loose central government."

Herbert folded his powerful arms. "Why don't we call old Abril up and let him know what's gonna happen in his own country."

Hood frowned and motioned him silent.

"The reason I mentioned General Superior González," McCaskey said, "is that there is a Jesuit priest who helped to save our lives. His name is Father Norberto Alcazar."

"Is he