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44 Priestley, “The Contemporary Program of Nationalization in Mexico,” 66.
45 Priestley, “The Contemporary Program,” 62.
46 Of course, as one academic reminds us, the postrevolutionary Mexico “never operated along purely corporatist lines, and some sectors of society were tied to these arrangements much more closely than others.” James G. Samstad, “Corporatism and Democratic Transition: State and Labor During the Salinas and Zedillo Administrations,” Latin American Politics and Society 44, no. 4 (winter 2002): 1–28: 3. See Gilly’s classic radical history The Mexican Revolution.
47 For a good overview of the changing relationship between the state and capital in Mexico, see Kleinberg, “Strategic Alliances,” 72.
48 As Leo Panitch described it in a classic essay, corporatism is “a political structure within advanced capitalism which integrates organized socioeconomic producer groups through a system of representation and cooperative mutual interaction at the leadership level and mobilization and social control at the mass level.” Leo Panitch, “Recent Theorizations of Corporatism: Reflections on a Growth Industry,” British Journal of Sociology 31 (1980): 159–187: 173. For more on the subject and its links to authoritarian states, see David Collier, ed., The New Authoritarianism in Latin America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1980).
49 George Philip, Oil and Politics in Latin America: Nationalist Movements and State Companies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982); George W. Grayson, Oil and Mexican Foreign Policy (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1988). It was during this crisis of nationalization that the current ruling party, the Partido Accion Nacional (PAN), was formed from a coalition of right-wing groups, including bankers, industrial capitalists, landowners, religious elements, and even members of the Union Nacional Sinarquista, a Catholic and cryptofascist party on the model of the Falange. Michelle Dion, “The Political Origins of Social Security in Mexico During the Cárdenas and Ávila Camacho Administrations,” Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 21, no. 1 (winter 2005): 59–95.
50 Kleinberg, “Strategic Alliances,” 72.
51 George W. Grayson, “Oil and U.S.-Mexican Relations,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 21, no. 4 (November 1979): 427–456: 428; Arthur Howe, “OPEC’S Grip on Oil Markets Slipping Away,” Philadelphia Inquirer, December 7, 1983.
52 On the guerilla movements of Mexico, see O’Neill Blacker, “Cold War in the Countryside: Conflict in Guerrero, Mexico,” The Americas 66, no. 2 (October 2009): 181–210; on labor, see Dale A. Hathaway, Allies Across the Border: Mexico’s “Authentic Labor Front” and Global Solidarity (Boston: South End Press, 2000).
53 Adam David Morton, “Structural Change and Neoliberalism in Mexico : ‘Passive Revolution’ in the Global Political Economy,” Third World Quarterly 24, no. 4 (August 2003): 631–653.
54 William Chislett, “Black Gold Fuels Economic Turnaround,” Globe and Mail, May 26, 1980. In 1978, it looked as though the shah of Iran’s regime might collapse, and if Iran tipped into chaos, oil would spike. Just as prices were rising, Pemex Mexico found another enormous petroleum patch. By the end of 1976, Mexico was producing eight hundred thousand barrels daily and exporting about ninety-four thousand barrels each day. By 1980 production was approaching 2.2 million barrels a day, and exports had increased ninefold, to 850,000 barrels a day. This was the fastest increase in oil production in world history.
55 John Crewdson and Vincent J. Schodolski, “Price of Reform Cripples Mexico,” Chicago Tribune, November 23, 1986.
56 Chislett, “Black Gold Fuels Economic Turnaround.”
57 Alan Ridding, “Taming Mexico’s Passion for More,” New York Times, September 12, 1982.
58 Michael Kevane, “Commodities in Crisis: The Commodity Crisis of the 1980s and the Political Economy of International Commodity Policies, by Alfred Maizels,” Economic Development and Cultural Change 45, no. 1 (October 1996): 205–208.
59 James Thompson and