Truth - Al Franken [85]
Oh, and by the way, Michael, I’m sorry the privatization campaign turned out so badly. I hate to break this to you—although I’m sure that, deep inside, you already know this—but your life’s work is a bust.
It’s easy in retrospect to think of the implosion of the privatization scheme as an inevitability. But back when the scope and intensity of Bush’s Social Security push was just coming into view, Democrats felt that a defining battle for the soul of the country was being joined. The outcome was in question, and after the election, there was every reason to think Bush and Rove would find a way to hoodwink the public yet again.
But two things happened. Number one, our team pulled together. Number two, the more the American people learned about what Bush was sellin’, the less they were buyin’.
Democrats may have been in the minority in both houses, but they knew that on an issue as explosive as this one, Republicans needed cover. Privatization was dead in the water unless it could be seen as bipartisan. If they could just get some conservative Democrats to sign on, they might be able to pull this one off. But they didn’t get some. They got one. Out of the 245 Democrats in Congress, Bush managed to persuade only Allen Boyd, Democrat of Tallahassee, who joined Republican Congressman Jim Kolbe (R-AZ) in introducing HR 440, aptly named “The Bipartisan Retirement Security Act.”
The day after the State of the Union Address in which the President called on America to “join together to strengthen and save Social Security,” White House Press Secretary Scott McClellan worked his usual magic:
REPORTER: Does the President feel as if he’s able to persuade Democrats last night with his speech?
MCCLELLAN: Some Democrats I don’t think necessarily needed persuading about the need to strengthen Social Security. You have people like Congressman Boyd, who I’ve talked about recently, who has already signed on to legislation to address Social Security’s—the insolvency facing Social Security.
REPORTER: He’s the only one in all of Congress, right? The only Democrat?
MCCLELLAN: I don’t know that I would describe it that way.
The press secretary also fielded some questions about the President’s upcoming town hall–style “Social Security Conversations” in Fargo and Great Falls, Montana, which he promised would be “open and candid.” When pressed about whether the ticketed events would truly be open and candid, McClellan attempted a similar gambit:
REPORTER: Is every single person, both in the audience and on the panel, are they all supporters of the President’s plan?
MCCLELLAN: I don’t know.
Scott McClellan, ladies and gentlemen.
At this point, the President’s approval rating on Social Security was at 43 percent. He clearly had some folks to win over. And, by gosh, he was going to do it out there on the road. After Fargo and Great Falls, it was off to Omaha, where Bush would unleash the full force of both his bully pulpit and his legendary personal charm on behalf of his privatization agenda.
In his conversations with prescreened “regular people,” the President displayed his famously dazzling ability to instantly connect with people from all walks of life:
BUSH: Mary is with us. Mary Mornin. How are you, Mary?
MORNIN: I’m fine.
BUSH: Good. Okay, Mary, tell us about yourself.
MORNIN: Okay, I’m a divorced, single mother with three grown, adult children. I have one child, Robbie, who is mentally challenged, and I have two daughters.
BUSH: Fantastic.
It’s not necessarily how I would have described Mary’s situation. But that’s why he’s president and I’m just a comedian, author, and radio host. Without skipping a beat, Bush leavened the moment with some disingenuous pap:
BUSH: First of all, you’ve got the hardest job in America, being a single mom.
MORNIN: Thank you. (Applause.)
Moving on, Bush got back on script. And Mary was right there with him.
BUSH: You and I are baby boomers.