Unequal Childhoods - Annette Lareau [170]
Very few of the working-class and poor young adults had participated regularly in organized activities as children. Those who did have activities had one or, rarely, two rather than the schedule of multiple, concurrent activities typical of the middle-class kids. Tyrec played football, Billy played baseball, and Wendy took dance lessons and religious instruction. During interviews when they were twenty-year-olds, none of the three could think of any particular long-term benefits they had derived from participating in these activities. Their parents concurred with this view. When I asked Ms. Driver if dance lessons had a lasting impact on Wendy, she responded, laughing, “Nah, she is still clumsy.” Referring to her dance classes, Wendy said simply, “I did it to have something to do.” Tyrec could not think of any benefits from his participation in football. From Billy’s perspective, there were neither benefits nor drawbacks from having taken part in a team sport. Echoing Wendy, he said, “It was just something to do.” His mother, though, regretted Billy’s participation in baseball. Ms. Yanelli felt that he lacked natural talent and that his repeated failure on the field had been humiliating for him.
As the first edition of the book notes, the middle-class parents appeared to see organized activities as filled with “teachable moments” that helped cultivate their children’s talents. As young adults, most of the middle-class kids articulated a similar perspective, readily linking their past activities to enduring life benefits. Working-class and poor parents who enrolled their children in activities generally did so to provide a safe form of entertainment—“something to do.” As young adults, these kids sounded much like their parents, describing their organized activities as a diversion without long-lasting importance.
Overall, while some young adults spoke positively of their involvement in organized activities, they did not believe that it had significant consequences for the transition into higher education and/or the labor force. It is possible, however, that the young adults were unaware of benefits they accrued from their activities.26 College applications ask about organized activities, and arguably, evidence of participation may give an applicant a competitive edge, particularly in small liberal arts colleges.27 In addition, participation in organized activities gives children experience performing in public. Being comfortable performing in public could be useful in many settings, including in speaking out in a college seminar. Also, one ethnographic study of hiring decisions in an investment bank, a prestigious law firm, and a business firm found that extracurricular involvements were crucial in helping candidates make the cut.28 Still, conclusions about the role of organized activities must await the availability of additional data.
Neighborhoods, Police, and Violence
In addition to different family situations, the young people grew up in different neighborhoods. As they transitioned into adulthood, they had unequal exposure to neighborhood conflict, including violence.29 The African American working-class and poor young men in the study spoke at length about the death of good friends. For example, Harold remained shaken by the death of his buddy, a young man he used to “chill” with as they were growing up. He and his cousin separately reported the same tale: this buddy was sitting in a car (in an inner-ring suburb) with his girlfriend. In an attempted robbery, “Two people came up out of nowhere or whatever and tried to rob them and stuff like that. They both got killed that night.”
Similarly, Tyrec experienced the deaths of two good friends. Indeed, one of the biggest challenges in his life has been learning to cope with these losses. One