Unequal Childhoods - Annette Lareau [239]
31. A discussion of the role of the police in communities is beyond the scope of this work, but see Alice Goffman, “On the Run”; Bruce Western, Punishment. Western summarizes the compelling evidence of racial discrimination in the experience of whites and Blacks in the criminal justice system. For evidence of racial discrimination in employment, see Devah Pager, Marked; Pager shows the difficulty convicted felons face in getting a job.
32. Social psychologists suggest that this is common; people in lower-status positions tend to gather information about higher-status people, but higher-status people are less attuned to the actions of lower-status persons. See Susan T. Fiske, “Interpersonal Stratification.”
33. In their book, The Hidden Injuries of Class, Richard Sennett and Jonathan Cobb argue that even working-class people who make good money yearn to have the respect awarded to the middle class. See also Lois Weis, Class Reunion.
34. Conversely, research suggests that working-class youth blame only themselves for their failures. The youth in my study who dropped out of high school clearly “owned” the outcome as connected to their own dislike of school, lack of academic talent, and lack of comfort in educational settings. Thus, Billy Yanelli’s portrait differed somewhat from his mother’s assessment; he did not appear to see the situation as unfair. Instead, he appeared to see it as almost inevitable. For a longer discussion of Billy’s experience in high school, see the portrait posted online at www.ucpress.edu on the page for the book Unequal Childhoods. See also McLeod, Ain’t No Making It.
35. Conceptually and technically one can separate these processes as a disposition to ask a question or gather information (which would be habitus) and a set of skills involving knowing what to ask and to intervene, as well as a set of skills involving knowing what to do that would result in a payoff in terms of children’s educational experiences (which would be forms of cultural capital). Such disposition and sets of skills usually go together. It is theoretically possible for a middle-class person to have the disposition to assertively control the process at every step of the way but lack the skills to be effectual. Likewise, it is possible for someone to have the skills and not the disposition. In my observations and interviews, however, I have rarely found such disjunctures.
36. Or, as Katherine Mooney put it: “Kids like Wendy grew up expecting their parents’ help and support in certain areas but not in all areas. Kids like Stacey grew up expecting their parents’ intervention in every aspect of their lives, whether they asked for help or not” (emphasis in the original, personal communication, September 17, 2010). I am grateful to her for this point.
37. See Stevens, Creating a Class, for a detailed account of how public schools differ in their preparation to receive admissions officers from a liberal arts college. See also Peter Cookson and Caroline Persell, Preparing for Power; Rubén Gaztambide-Fernández, Best of the Best; Jerome Karabel, The Chosen.
38. See Lareau and Weininger, “Concerted Cultivation Continues.”
39. Research using participant-observation is usually restricted to a small sample. This limits the possibility of strong conclusions about how economic resources and cultural knowledge and interventions affect life chances. Although some of the middle-class families, including the Marshalls, felt stressed financially, they had more resources than the working-class or poor families. Even if Stacey had not received a full scholarship, it is very likely that she would have attended college. Both her parents were college graduates, Stacey’s grades were high, and she was highly motivated to attend. Other middle-class parents contributed significant sums to their children’s education. The Williamses paid Ivy League tuition, room, and board for Alexander. The Handlons paid $8,200 for Melanie’s 15-month course in cosmetology. Melanie now works at