Witchcraft in Early North America - Alison Games [28]
These findings of internal family tension echoed conclusions drawn by John Demos, one of the most active proponents of the value of psychology in the study of witchcraft. He focuses on the “innerlife” dimension, those
interior emotions, derived from personal—normally familial—experiences, that shaped how individuals interacted with the world beyond the family. Demos’s analysis of New England witchcraft statistics persuaded him to examine the issues facing middle-aged women and young men (who together comprised 49 percent of victims of witchcraft).113 Demos focuses on the sexuality of the women—menopausal, he characterizes them—and he points to the difficult transition women might experience during these years. The young men were wrestling with their own internal demons—in their case, the desire for personal autonomy in an economy in which fathers held on to land often until their death.
Demos also examines the content of trial testimony for what it reveals about New England fantasies about witches. What did witches do? They attacked, making people and animals sick, in some cases causing dramatic physical collapses. They coveted, demanding assistance, food, lodging, and comfort. They intruded, pushing themselves in where they were not wanted, poking about, appearing in bedrooms. Trial testimonies, moreover, demonstrate that witches had a special interest in infants. The search of an accused witch’s body for hidden marks—especially teats—points to the centrality of the association between witches and maternity.114 His psychological approach thus agrees with some of Karlsen’s findings about family tensions across generations and sons’ concerns about inheritance.
Numerous studies of witchcraft in New England have revealed some of the peculiarities of colonial life and how these affected witchcraft beliefs in this region. But there is one further oddity about English witch beliefs and their connection to overseas migration: the English killed women as witches even on their initial voyages to the colonies. These cases expose the framework migrants and travelers carried with them. They knew who witches were likely to be and the kinds of behavior that witches engaged in, and when they saw people conforming to these images, they launched accusations. These shipboard executions challenge some of the long-standing conventions in the study of witchcraft, such as that accusations emerged out of familiarity and proximity.
When Europeans boarded ships to travel across the Atlantic, they undertook what was always a risky and often a terrifying voyage. Those who owned enough property to want to safeguard its disposition took care to write wills before they traveled; others must have clung to relatives and friends as they prepared for what was almost always a permanent parting. On board ship, people were flung into each other’s company. The practices that people pursued to help ensure good fortune came with them. One indentured servant named Judith Catchpole allegedly performed magic on board ship during her crossing to Maryland in the winter of 1655–1656.115 Although we do not know what prompted the rituals, it is easy enough to imagine the circumstances that would encourage a traveler to seek extra assistance, through magical means, for a safe and healthy passage.
On other voyages, women were identified as witches, and