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By Root 1877 0

ties to kidnapping gangs, many families of kidnapped Chinese victims simply pay the demanded ransom rather than report the crime to authorities. As a result, there is little rigorous documentation of the phenomenon. For journalistic accounts, see Caroline S. Hau, “Too Much, Too Little,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, June 15, 2001, p. 9; Abigail L. Ho, “Chinese traders won’t flee, won’t invest either,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, August 6, 2001, p. 1; and Reginald Chua, “Country Held Hostage,” Straits Times, February 28, 1993, p. 7.

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2. Estimates of Chinese economic control in the Philippines vary somewhat, but usually hover between 50% and 65%. For an up-to-date, if slightly gossipy, report on the wealth and holdings of Chinese Filipino tycoons, see Wilson Lee Flores, “The Top Billionaires in the Philippines,” Philippine Star, May 16, 2001. See also “A Survey of Asian Business,” The Economist, April 7, 2001; Cecil Morella, “Ethnic Chinese Stay Ready, Hope to Ride out Crime Wave,” Agence France-Presse, April 30, 1996; and Rigoberto Tiglao, “Gung-ho in Manila,” Far Eastern Economic Review, February 15, 1990, pp. 68–72.

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3. The statistics I cite relating to poverty, health, and sanitation in the Philippines are from: “Annual Poverty Indicators Survey,” released September 15, 2000, by the Income and Employment Statistics Division, National Statistics Office, Republic of Philippines; The World Bank, World Development Report 2000/2001 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001); The World Bank, Entering the Twenty-First Century: World Development Report 1999/2000 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000); United Nations Children’s Fund, UNICEF Statistical Data: The Philippines (from UNICEF website, updated December 26, 2000); and Mamerto Canlas, Mariano Miranda, Jr., and James Putzel, Land, Poverty and Politics in the Philippines (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1988), pp. 52–53.

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4. Roy Gutman, “Death Camp Horrors,” Newsday, October 18, 1992, p. 3, and Laura Pitter, “Beaten and scarred for life in the Serbian ‘rape camps,’” South China Morning Post, December 27, 1992, p. 8.

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5. Bill Berkeley, The Graves Are Not Yet Full (New York: Basic Books, 2001), p. 2.

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6. See Margot Cohen, “Turning Point: Indonesia’s Chinese Face a Hard Choice,” Far Eastern Economic Review, July 30, 1998, p. 12.

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7. Lee Hockstader, “Massive Attack Targets Another Palestinian City,” Washington Post, April 4, 2002, p. A1.

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8. Indira A. R. Lakshmanan, “Pakistan Backs Us, Despite Warning by Afghanistan,” Boston Globe, September 16, 2001, p. A5.

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9. I borrow this phrase from Orhan Pamuk, “The Anger of the Damned,” The New York Review of Books, November 15, 2001.

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10. This story is reported in Jacques deLisle, “Lex Americana?: United States Legal Assistance, American Legal Models, and Legal Change in the Post-Communist World and Beyond,” University of Pennsylvania Journal of International Economic Law 20 (1999):179–308 (citing William Kovacic).

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11. This description is taken from Matt Biven’s hilarious and eye-opening article, “Aboard the Gravy Train: In Kazakhstan, The Farce That Is U.S. Aid,” Harper’s, August 1, 1997, p. 69. The balloon episode was never actually produced, on the grounds that it would be too expensive.

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12. Thomas L. Friedman, The Lexus and the Olive Tree (New York: Anchor Books, 2000), pp. ix, xvi, 12.

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13. John Lewis Gaddis, “Democracy and Foreign Policy” (transcript of Devane Lecture, delivered at Yale University on April 17, 2001, available at http://www.yale.edu/yale300/democracy, p. 8.

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14. Thomas L. Friedman, “Today’s News Quiz,” New York Times, November 20, 2001, p. A19.

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15. See Mihai Constantin and Sabina Fati, “Vadim Tudor: Demagogue in Waiting?” CNN.com, December 9, 2000, and Andrei Filipache and Alexandru Nastase, “PRM’s Tudor Attends Antonescu Ceremony, Threatens