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or theory on why these figures were created, though many hypotheses and interpretations have been offered. [Writer states problem.] It is commonly known that statues were placed facing the deceased, or the deceased were placed facing the statues in the tomb itself. Most statues are female in the folded arm pose, about hand size for perhaps a daily use, like a child’s doll, and accompanied tools and jewelry in the tomb. [Writer offers empirical analysis by summarizing potentially revealing details in the evidence. He next begins to cite the theories of three authorities on the function of the figures.]

Bigwood notes that, “The different qualities of the carving suggest that the sculptures were not just in the possession of an elite but were accessible to the whole culture” (250–251). Along with a widespread class base, figures occurred in tombs regardless of a person’s sex. With these facts in mind, a few theories on function seem more acceptable than others. Take Fitton, who states in her book,

Figures were put into graves for a variety of reasons. They [may have been] servants who would attend the dead in the after-life, sometimes with special roles—female figures [may have been] concubines, musicians who played for the deceased, and so on. Alternatively, they [may have been] personal possessions, thought to protect the owner in life before accompanying him or her to the grave. As such, they may represent their owners, or a deity (67).

In his book, Thimme suggests that the figures were conceived as images of divine beings and specifically intended for the grave: the female figures represent a divine mistress of life and death who will secure for the deceased rebirth in another world (42).

The occurrence of female figures in both women’s and men’s graves best suits Thimme’s hypothesis that the figures represent a being quite independent of the deceased, a divine or daemonic being (Thimme 43). [Writer cites empirical evidence to support one of his authority’s claims.] Fitton offers some words on the attractive possibility of the female deity theory:

A female deity, perhaps with worshippers represented in her own image, is an attractive possibility. While the once-fashionable assumption that the prehistoric Aegean peoples worshipped a ‘Great Mother’ goddess is demonstrably simplistic, there can be no doubt that some explanation is needed to account for the fact that the majority of Cycladic figures are in the form of a naked female, and a female deity remains a possible identification (69). [Includes not just another authority’s claim but also the supporting evidence]

The theories put forth by Fitton and Thimme seem to be most confirming since other interpretations, including substitute mother, nurse mother, concubine, and magical midwife are weakened by our knowledge that, for the first two mother theories, there was a rarity of child tombs and, with the last two sexual/procreative theories, the inclusion of figurines in graves occurred irrespective of the individual’s sex. [Writer uses empirical evidence to dismiss claims of authorities conflicting with those he is advocating.] In respect to the particular figurines examined above, the presence of ears suggests a divine being who was designed to listen to prayers, a point to reinforce the validity of a female mother goddess theory. [Writer uses more empirical evidence to justify chosen claim]

ANECDOTAL EVIDENCE

An anecdote is a little story (a narrative), a piece of experience. The word comes from a Greek term meaning “things unpublished.” At its best, anecdotal evidence involves the close examination of particular instances. At its worst, it misrepresents fairly isolated anecdotes as if they were truly representative instances, but without any substantiating evidence. In effect, these inadequately contextualized examples take cheap shots at others’ positions—a common practice during political campaigns.

Often it includes the writer/researcher’s own experience with whatever he or she is studying. So, for example, a historian wishing to understand the origins and