American Rifle - Alexander Rose [224]
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81. M. Edgar, Ten Years in Upper Canada in Peace and War, 1805–1815 . . . (Toronto: William Briggs, 1890), p. 378.
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82. Quoted in J. B. Whisker, Arms Makers of Colonial America (Selinsgrove, Pa.: Susquehanna University Press, 1992), p. 22.
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83. On Chouteau, see Dillin, Kentucky Rifle, p. 89; on the Chickasaws, see Brown, Firearms in Colonial America, pp. 180, 286.
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84. All cited in Whisker, Arms Makers of Colonial America, p. 22.
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85. Rosenberger and Kaufmann, Longrifles of Western Pennsylvania, pp. xix–xx.
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86. Brown, Firearms in Colonial America, p. 283; C. P. Russell, Guns on the Early Frontiers . . . (Lincoln/London: University of Nebraska Press, 1957), pp. 16–49.
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87. Brown, Firearms in Colonial America, p. 284.
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88. See, for instance, the photo and technical notes of a trade fusil, in Brown, Firearms in Colonial America, p. 282.
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89. Ibid., p. 283.
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90. “Colonel Bradstreet’s thoughts on Indian affairs,” December 4, 1764, in E. B. O’Callaghan et al., eds., Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, Procured in Holland, England, and France. 15 vols. Albany, NY: Weed, Parsons, 1856–57. p. 7:692.
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91. P. Haythornthwaite, British Rifleman, 1797–1815 (Oxford [U.K.]: Osprey, 2002), p. 6.
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92. “Victory and conquest did for a long time seem to stand neuter, and our condition and warfare not much unlike the conflict between Israel and Amelek in the Wilderness, nor can it be denied but that our enemies for a time had great success in their outrages, Providence as it were seeming to offer them opportunities of doing us much mischief, when we could find none of taking just revenge.” W. Hubbard, History of the Indian Wars in New England from the First Settlement to the Termination of the War with King Philip, in 1677, ed. S. G. Drake (1677; reprint New York: Burt Franklin, 1971), pp. 2:259–60.
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93. Cotton Mather, “Decennium Luctuosum: An History of Remarkable Occurrences . . .,” in C. H. Lincoln, ed., Narratives of the Indian Wars, 1675–1699 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1913), p. 203.
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94. Hubbard, History of Indian Wars, pp. 2:259–60.
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95. P. M. Malone, The Skulking Way of War: Technology and Tactics Among the New England Indians (Lanham, Md.: Madison Books, 2000), pp. 21–22.
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96. Forbes to Pitt, October 20, 1758, in A. P. James, ed., Writings of General John Forbes Relating to His Service in North America (Menasha, Wis.: Collegiate Press, 1938), p. 239.
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97. Malone, Skulking Way of War, pp. 21–22.
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98. L. V. Eid, “ ‘A kind of Running Fight’: Indian Battlefield Tactics in the Late Eighteenth Century,” Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine 71, no. 2 (1988), pp. 155–56.
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99. On the Indian reluctance to attack fortified positions, see J. K. Mahon, “Anglo-American Methods of Indian Warfare, 1676–1794,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 45, no. 2 (1958), p. 263.
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100. D. J. Beattie, “The Adaptation of the British Army to Wilderness Warfare, 1755–1763,” in M. Ultee, ed., Adapting to Conditions: War and Society in the Eighteenth Century (University: University of Alabama Press, 1986), p. 78.
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101. Mahon, “Anglo-American Methods,” p. 257, notes that Indians were never interested in acquiring bayonets—for “only disciplined bodies of soldiers could make effective use of them.”
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102. Doddridge, Notes on Settlement, pp. 122–23.
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103. Ibid.
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104. Gookin, D., An Historical Account of the Doings and Sufferings of the Christian Indians in New England in the Years 1675, 1676, 1677 . . . (1677). In Archaeologia Americana: Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian Society (1836), p. 442.
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105. Axtell, “Indian Impact on English Colonial Culture,” pp.