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5. Giuseppe Gioacchino Belli, famed dialect poet of Rome, satirizes the church's willingness to use the brothels in a sonnet no. 326, 11 December 1834, "Er Bordello Scuperto," also cited in Rizzo and Stella 2007, 25 ).

6. Bordellos were known as houses of tolerance (case di tolleranza) because the state, from Independence to the fall of Fascism, generally accepted prostitution as a necessity; the Fascist state updated the relevant legislation in the Unified Text on Public Security of 1931, restricting prostitutes' rights and effectively placing them under the control of their landlords and local police. The brothels were also called case chiuse (closed houses) because of an 1888 law that required them to keep their shutters permanently closed and also forbade the selling of food and drink at these establishments. In 195 8, under the so-called Merlin law (law no. 75/58, named for the Socialist senator Lina Merlin, on the "abolition of the regulation of prostitution and struggle against the exploitation of the prostitution of other [persons] "), state control was lifted, but with it went a great deal of protection previously provided for the prostitutes' health and well-being, and this has hit foreign prostitutes especially hard (see Cole and Booth 2007, 111).

7. Reported in "Una settantanove anni, l'altra ottantatre: sfruttavano le prostitute nelle case squillo," I1 Messaggero, Rome section, i May 2005, p. 40.

8. For an extensive parallel case, see Palumbo 2003.

9. See, for a well documented historical example, Bocquet 2007, 293-304.

so. The urbanist Carlo Cellamare (2007, 5 3-54) uses this aspect of Monti's physical relation to the modern city to give a sense of its rooted intimacy, while the mystery novelist Mario Quattrucci (n.d., 8) uses the sunken gloom of Monti's streets at dusk in a very evocative fashion.

I I. Thus, for example, Quattrucci (n.d.; see also Ravaro 1994, 632, S.V. "Subbura"). But the more usual, "philologically correct" (Palumbo 2003, 305) explanation is that is somehow related to the nearby "Sucusa" of an even earlier date, located on the present-day Celio Hill (Lewis and Short 1900, 1785, s.v. "Subura," the ancient spelling).

12. See his discussion of the relationship among time, place, and identity (D'Aquino 1995, 18-21).

13. On this, see D'Aquino 1995, 81.

14. Sabetti 2000, esp. ix.

15. On this, see also Bocquet 2007, 304, 341.

16. Note the slight hyper-correction per for pe'), perhaps suggestive of the slight embarrassment this particular individual always showed when exposing the more disreputable aspects of Monti life or when criticizing the Vatican.

17. Contrast, for example, mainland Greek village architecture (see Fried]. 1962, 1214(.

18. Inasmuch as it can mean both "country" and "local community," it strongly resembles both the Greek patridha (Herzfeld 2005, 79) and the Thai moeang (e.g., Tambiah 1976,112-14).

19. I was struck by a resident's comparable comments on my own ethnographic film (Herzfeld 2007a); Monticiani retain a great deal of the spoken and gestural mannerisms to be found in neorealist films set in Rome.

20. On the articulation of sin, disgrace, and perhaps also poverty in Christian identity, see also Heatherington 2006.

21. The position of caporione appears historically as an elected office under the authority of the papal state; in the seventeenth century, the caporione of Monti, who was elected for a three-month term, had at his disposal thirty men, recruited from the artisanal and shopkeeper segments of the population, for keeping public order (Paita 1998, 57-58). The control of this office gradually passed to the noble families, and, in the eighteenth century, directly to the pope at which point the caporione of Monti alone was considered to be a member of the magistracy and thus of the ruling class, an indication of Monti's status as "the first rione of Rome"); by the end of papal rule, the office had been replaced by a presidency also appointed by the pope). The term caporione remained in