Evicted From Eternity_ The Restructuring of Modern Rome - Michael Herzfeld [205]
22. This is especially clear in the history of Spain, where Catholic mutualism was a key component of collusion between church and state. See Maddox 1993, 125-26; for Italy, see Holmes 1989, 109, 192-95.
23. The term clearly alludes to the sudden post-Unification expansion of Rome in the second half of the nineteenth century. See Insolera 1993, 38-51.
24. Law 432/98, article 3d, permits a proprietor to refuse to renew a rental contract "when the property is part of a seriously damaged building."
2 5. See also Berdini 2000, 5o-64. Berdini particularly taxes the Left with having abandoned a "culture" that had long emphasized both concerted planning and the importance of everyday social life instead of the extraordinary (straordinarietd); there is perhaps a direct parallel here with the Left's espousal of market forces from which many leftist intellectuals benefited at the expense of poorer Romans.
26. On this, see especially Smith's scathing critique of the term "urban renewal" (2oo6).
27. This almost exaggeratedly laconic use of dialect is always ironic. When I said to a plumber that I expected to see him on my return the following year, he retorted, "E, 'ndo vado?"-meaning, evidently, that he had no such choices: "Well, where do you suppose I would be going?"
28. See Doumanis 2001 for a useful account of the successes and failures of the national project. For a critical account of the possibilities for Italian national sentiment, see Rosati 2000. Both authors find evidence for the increased importance of national identity at the end of the twentieth century.
29. For an intriguing analysis of the Northern League's "ludic" mockery of Italy's formal state institutions, conventions of courtesy and masculinity, and subversion of normative political discourse and imagination, see Dematteo 2007. Significantly, she notes that many of the marginalized and resentful northerners whose support had propelled the party into eventual power left in disgust when, jettisoning its largely unattainable secessionist and other antiestablishment goals, leader Umberto Bossi took the party into coalition with Berlusconi's Forza Italia and Gianfranco Fini's Alleanza nazionale (National Alliance; 226). After the coalition's defeat at the polls in 2006, Bossi reverted to some of his old secessionist rhetoric. Rumiz's analysis of the Lega Nord (1997), generally more sympathetic to the sources of its disaffection from the Italian nation-state, focuses on its deployment of symbolism in resisting official power structures.
30. See, for example, "Le nuove Leghe autonomiste the irrompono nel duello tra i Poli,"Venerdi di Repubblica, 27 May 2005 no. 897), p. 13.
31. See also Pardo's discussion of the role of narrow self-interest in the stereotyping of working-class Neapolitan identity (1996, 13). On the arte d'arrangiarsi, see especially Pardo's careful resistance to automatically including informal economic arrangements under this rubric (11). On "muddling through" as a basis for managing bureaucratic irruptions into daily life, see de Certeau 1984, Nix; Reed-Danahay 1996, 212-13; and Scott 1998, 3z8-33.
32. It can also be a menacing mode, as when a middle-aged man, disturbed during the night by some wealthy Spanish youths living above him, threatened to chase them away. As he reported the encounter, "'You'll have to leave,' I told them in Roman dialect (Dovet' anndvene', ho detto in romanaccio)." The fact that he emphasizes the Roman morphology (anndvene instead of andarvene) suggests that for him it was a way of getting rough with these irritating young foreigners.
33. Such expressions are widespread and can be found far beyond the Italian borders. See Herzfeld 2007b. On the more self-congratulatory views of an alleged absence of racism from Italy, see Cole 1997, 9.
34. The