Evicted From Eternity_ The Restructuring of Modern Rome - Michael Herzfeld [212]
9. See Herzfeld 1985, 92-122.
1o. On the metaphor of sedimentation, see especially Connerton 1989.
11. Elias 2000; Ferguson 1990.
12. See Faeta 2004; Minicuci 2003; Petrusewicz 1998; Schneider 1998; Teti 1993. Faubion's discussion of historical constuctivism in Greece is useful (1993), and has been appreciated by Italian scholars, for its sensitivity to the possibility of multiple modernities. Faeta's commentary is particularly helpful in disaggregating the various discoursesincluding visual ones-about "oriental" and "African" elements in "southern" culture.
13. Putnam 1993, 23.
14. Buchowski (1996, 79-85) offers a very different, but persuasive, distinction between the civil as that larger zone of social interaction that incorporates all aspects of communal activity (here productively expanding a political term much as Geertz [ 197 3, 193-96] had done with 'ideology"), and "civic society" as the assemblage of institutions that operated against the oppressive control of the state (and thus the area largely understood hitherto by the term "civil society"). While his schema works well to describe political life under a largely totalitarian system of government, I prefer to reserve the idea of the civic for the values and practices found in associational activity of all kinds including that sanctioned by the state at all its component levels; I retain the Italian sense of civile as describing the ability to get along with others-sometimes an oppressive quality.
1 5. Lai 2002, 302-5. See also Maria Minicuci's important discussion of the role of the south in the respective imaginations of Italian and foreign anthropologists (2003).
16. The assumption that southerners engage in a much greater degree of domestic violence, for example, serves the pragmatic interests of male northerners as well as the promotion of northerners' collective self-respect, as Plesset (2006, 199) demonstrates for the prosperous northern city of Parma; her evidence is especially suggestive in conjunction with the observation by Cole and Booth (2007, 1 to) that northern men apparently frequent prostitutes more than do Sicilians.
17. On the legitimacy of the illicit (la liceita dell'illecito) as an expression of the dilemmas faced by well-meaning clergy who conducted baptisms even when the evidence suggested that the children in question were not voluntarily surrendered to the church, see Caffiero 2004, 81-87. This kind of casuistry has deep roots in Roman society, being linked to pragmatic ideals of "accommodation," as in the remark (p. 129 about the permanence of the provisional.
18. For the parallel case of Greece, see Stewart 1989.
19. See below, pp. 13 1-3 3.
20. Minicuci (2003, 144) makes this observation specifically, and acutely, in contrast with the opposite trend she discerns in foreign anthropologists' research strategies. See also the critiques by Schneider (1998, 6-8) (and, for a comparable discussion of Spain, see Fernandez 1983). On the deployment of stereotypes, see Herzfeld 2005, 156-64.
21. See also Arlacchi 1983; Galt 1991, 2.
22. Palumbo 2003, 145.
23. Putnam (1993, 167-71) is especially careful to point out that the effectiveness of such associations does not require absolute mutual trust or altruism among all members. It is nevertheless surprising that, in a book about Italy, Putnam does not address the seeming paradox of the flourishing of these institutions in a city that regards itself as stereotypically "southern." In one significant respect my argument accords with Putnam's, inasmuch as I present the Roman rotating credit associations as precursors of other forms of political association and civic self-management.
24. In truth nothing much appears to have