God's Fury, England's Fire_ A New History of the English Civil Wars - Michael J. Braddick [381]
104. Fletcher, Outbreak, p. 287.
5. Barbarous Catholics and Puritan Populists
1. [Gabriel Plattes], A description of the famous kingdome of Macaria (London, 1641), quotations at sig. A2r, pp. 2, 3. For background see Charles Webster, Utopian Planning and the Puritan Revolution: Gabriel Plattes, Samuel Hartlib and ‘Macaria’ (Oxford, 1979); Charles Webster, ‘The Authorship and Significance of Macaria’, PP, 56 (1972), 34–48; J. C. Davis, Utopia and the Ideal State: A Study of English Utopian Writing, 1516–1700 (Cambridge, 1981).
2. Hugh Trevor-Roper, ‘Three Foreigners: The Philosophers of the Puritan Revolution’, reprinted in Hugh Trevor-Roper, Religion, the Reformation, and Social Change, and Other Essays (London, 1984), pp. 237–93; G. H. Turnbull, Samuel Hartlib: A Sketch of His Life and His Relations to J. A. Comenius (London, 1920); G. H. Turnbull, Hartlib, Dury and Comenius: Gleanings from Hartlib’s Papers (Liverpool, 1947); Charles Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform, 1626–1660, 2nd edn (Oxford, 2002); Mark Greengrass, ‘Samuel Hartlib and International Calvinism’, Proceedings of the Huguenot Society, 25 (1993), 464–75.
3. See in general Webster, Great Instauration; the essays collected in Mark Greengrass, Michael Leslie and Timothy Raylor (eds.), Samuel Hartlib and the Universal Reformation: Studies in Intellectual Communication (Cambridge, 1994), esp. Anthony Milton, ‘“The unchanged peacemaker”?: John Dury and the Politics of Irenicism in England, 1628–1643’, pp. 95–117. For the Hartlib circle see above, pp. 453–8.
4. Webster, ‘Authorship and Significance of Macaria’, p. 38.
5. Ibid., p. 39.
6. David Stevenson, The Scottish Revolution, 1637–44: The Triumph of the Covenanters (Edinburgh, 2003), pp. 233–4.
7. For a good brief account, see Austin Woolrych, Britain in Revolution, 1625–1660 (Oxford, 2002), pp. 182–3, 189–92.
8. Stevenson, Scottish Revolution, pp. 238–9; John J. Scally, ‘Hamilton, James, First Duke of Hamilton (1606–1649)’, ODNB, 24, pp. 839–46.
9. A damnable treason by a Contagious Plaster of a plague sore ([London], 1641), quotations at sig A2r. See Paul Slack, The Impact of the Plague in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford, 1985), p. 293; William G. Naphy, ‘Plague-Spreading and Magisterially Controlled Fear’, in William G. Naphy and Penny Roberts (eds.), Fear in Early Modern Society (Manchester, 1997), pp. 28–43. The pamphlet is discussed further above, pp. 174–5. For the plague in these months See also David Cressy, England on Edge: Crisis and Revolution 1640–1642 (Oxford, 2006), pp. 60–67; John Adamson, The Noble Revolt: The Overthrow of Charles I (London, 2007), pp. 406–7.
10. Politicians, Pym included, were not above fostering Catholic panics for political purposes: Robin Clifton, ‘The Popular Fear of Catholics during the English Revolution’, PP, 52 (1971), 23–55, at pp. 39–40. There is, though, independent evidence that this incident actually occurred. D’Ewes records the incident: W. H. Coates (ed.), The Journal of Sir Simonds D’Ewes from the First Recess of the Long Parliament (New Haven, Conn., 1942), p. 37. Nehemiah Wallington recorded that it was verified – even he was at least a little suspicious of this particular example of popish plotting: ‘There was a letter brought to Mr Pym with an odious plaster taken from a plague sore, saying if this will not doe, then a dagger shall and as I did hear very credibly one standing by him looking over his shoulder upon it took a conceit [look] at it and sickened and died presently’, BL, Add MS 21,935, fo. 188v. George Mordant was examined the next day on suspicion of having delivered the letter but dismissed: CJ, ii, p. 295.
11. CJ, ii, p. 300.
12. The key recent work is Nicholas Canny, Making Ireland