Intelligence_ From Secrets to Policy - Mark M. Lowenthal [33]
The secretary of state is the chief foreign policy officer below the president; intelligence under the DNI is widely viewed as an arm of foreign policy. At least two issues are important in the relationship between the secretary of state and the DNI: coordinating proposed intelligence operations with foreign policy goals and using the State Department (that is, the Foreign Service) as cover for clandestine intelligence officers overseas. Inevitably, tension arises between the bureaucracies under these two officials. Using the State Department for cover could prove to be a source of concern between the secretary of state and the DCIA. Few DCIs and secretaries of state have the warm relationship that Allen Dulles (DCI, 1953-1961) and his brother John Foster Dulles (secretary of state, 1953- 1959) enjoyed. At best, the relationship usually has a slight edge; at worst, it is outright competitive.
Overseas, a long tradition of tension has been evident between U.S. ambassadors and their senior CIA officers, usually called the chief of station (COS). The ambassador is in charge of the entire country team—all U.S. personnel assigned to the embassy, regardless of their parent organizations. (Larger country teams may have representatives from State, CIA, DOD, justice, Treasury, Commerce, and Agriculture.) But COSs have not always kept the ambassador—whether career Foreign Service or political appointee—apprised of their intelligence activities. Despite repeated efforts to address this problem, it still occurs. In addition, several new issues have arisen. The first is who does the COS represent? In theory, the COS is now the representative of the DNI. But, given the DCIA’s continued responsibility for HUMINT, intelligence operations, and foreign liaison, it is also obvious that the stations are a key component of the DCIA’s activities. Moreover, the COSs look to the DCIA for their promotions, evaluations, assignments, and so forth. Thus, they will continue to think of the CIA as their home. Tension between the DNI and the DCIA over control of HUMINT and covert action could make the stations even less willing to share information with ambassadors as yet another way of keeping it from the DNI.
On a day-to-day basis, the secretary of defense controls more of the intelligence community (NSA, DIA, NGA, and the service intelligence units) than does the DNI (NIC, NCTC, NCPC, NCIX). The secretary of defense also represents the vast majority of the intelligence client base, because of the broad range of defense intelligence requirements. Moreover, the intelligence budget is hidden within the defense budget and, in many ways, is beholden to it. Therefore, the relationship between the secretary of defense and the DNI is vital. No matter how collegial the relationship may appear, it is not one of equals. The outcome of the debate over the intelligence budget in the 2004 intelligence act underscores the political clout of the secretary of defense in Congress. It is not clear if the DNI will be stronger or weaker than was the DCI in relationship to the secretary of defense. On the one hand, the DNI lacks the institutional base that the DCI could fall back on—the CIA. On the other hand, the DNI has a large staff and enough authority in law that, if exercised properly, could give the DNI a more equal relationship with DOD. DNI Negroponte faced an aggressive secretary of defense and undersecretary of defense for intelligence, Donald Rumsfeld and Stephen Cambone, respectively. Many of their intelligence initiatives appeared to aim at creating separate intelligence capabilities under DOD. The advent of Robert Gates as secretary of defense was a significant change, as he brought his own background as a DCI, when he also faced a formidable secretary of defense,