Jihad vs. McWorld - Benjamin R. Barber [205]
21. Cited in Stuart Elliot, “In Search of Fun for Creativity’s Sake,” The New York Times, January 3, 1994, p. C 19.
22. Joan Lewis, “UN Blues: Responding to the Crisis in Somalia,” LSE Magazine, Spring 1994.
23. Reich, Work of Nations, Chapter 12.
24. Hannah Arendt brings all three together in her discussion of primary democracy in On Revolution (New York: Viking Press, 1963), pp. 22–24.
25. In his Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), Robert Putnam has shown how traditional choral societies have marked the Italian towns where they existed in earlier centuries with a distinctive capacity for civic engagement and democracy.
26. See Michael Lesy, Wisconsin Death Trip (New York: Pantheon Books, 1973), and Jane Mansbridge, Beyond Adversary Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983).
27. Stephen Holmes, “Back to the Drawing Board,” East European Constitutional Review, Vol. 2, No. 1., Winter 1993, pp. 21–25. It is not clear that the center is taking his advice, however, since the same issue of the journal in which his editorial advice appears is devoted to a discussion of “The Separation of Powers,” while subsequent volumes have been organized around such abstract institutions as constitutional courts, the post-Communist presidency, and the “design” of electoral regimes.
28. A list of such associations and ongoing news about their activities is published in the monthly newsletter Third Sector, prepared by the editorial group of the Interlegal International Foundation in Moscow. (Moscow: Belka Technology Publishers, 1994). I discuss the impact of these institutions on the new Russia below.
Chapter 16. Wild Capitalism vs. Democracy
1. J. G. A. Pocock, “The Ideal of Citizenship Since Classical Times,” Queen’s Quarterly, Spring 1992, p. 55.
2. Milton Friedman, in his introduction to the new edition of Friedrich von Hayek’s classic The Road to Serfdom (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994).
3. Stephen Holmes calls negative constitutionalism “the political equivalent to libertarianism in economics” and believes it is “very likely to produce a new autocracy in the not so long run” since it refuses to act positively to contain the abuses of a market society.” Holmes, “Back to the Drawing Board,” East European Constitutional Review, Vol. 2, No. 1, Winter 1993, pp. 21-25.
4. Anarchist in the sense that the libertarians believe all government, democratic or not, is an evil, and as government grows, liberty is necessarily diminished.
5. See the long and fruitful tradition of critical political theory that can be traced back to Rousseau and John Stuart Mill—liberal democrats who worried about the excesses and abuses of private property and monopoly capital. Mill’s Autobiography is particularly critical of certain features of the private property system—this despite Mill’s celebration of liberty in On Liberty. Rousseau’s Second Discourse “On Inequality” offers an early portrait of the impact of private property on natural human equality and civic virtue.
From such early critics, the lineage extends down to Karl Polanyi, John Maynard Keynes, and John Kenneth Galbraith. See, for example, John Kenneth Galbraith, “Capitalism’s Dark Shadows,” The Washington Monthly, (July/August i994), pp. 20-23, where Galbraith suggests there are those in the capitalist economy such as corporate managers, stockholders, professionals, retirees on social security, who actually prefer low growth and high employment despite its horrendous impact on most workers in the economy and on capitalism itself.
6. In his Theory of Moral Sentiments, Adam Smith offered an account of human behavior that went well beyond economic utility, and The Wealth of Nations leaves ample room for public authorities that retain responsibility