Malcolm X_ A Life of Reinvention - Manning Marable [325]
50 his dues to the Dining Car Employees Union. “Dining Car Employees Union Bill,” no date, “Owes five dollars in union dues,” ibid.
51 “might have been taken as a man from Mars,” he recalled. Malcolm X and Haley, Autobiography , p. 82.
51 with the bold signature “Harlem Red.” Ibid., pp. 82-83.
51 were spent pursuing a number of different women. Natambu, Malcolm X, p. 63.
51 fired seventeen days later for insubordination. Ibid., p. 64; and Collins, Seventh Child, p. 42.
51 prompting arrest for solicitation, and another firing. Malcolm X and Haley, Autobiography , pp. 83, 99-101.
51 “over the place where he could sleep.” DeCaro, On the Side of My People, p. 68.
52 become famous as the comedian Redd Foxx. Ibid., pp. 66-67.
52 “how they could benefit us as a people.” Ibid., p. 67.
52 “ ‘fought the hardest to help free those Scottsboro boys?’ ” Malcolm X and Haley, Autobiography , p. 79.
52 “Harlem was like it still is today—virtually all black.” Ibid., p. 85.
53 to Negroes who followed them north. Gilbert Osofsky, Harlem: The Making of a Ghetto: Negro New York, 1890-1930 (New York: Harper and Row, 1966), pp. 115-17.
53 part of the cultural bedrock of black Harlem. David Levering Lewis, When Harlem Was in Vogue (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1981), pp. 28, 104-5, 217-18.
54 global expression for youth culture. Osofsky, Harlem, pp. 3, 28, 128—31, 137.
54 the neighborhood in the New York State Assembly in 1940. Hulan Jack was elected Manhattan borough president in 1953, making him at the time the highest-ranking black official in the United States. Following his reelection in 1957, Jack was convicted for accepting an illegal gift of $4,500, and was forced to resign. See Calvin B. Holder, “Hulan Jack,” in Jackson, ed., Encyclopedia of New York City, p. 607.
54 employees were black, and all held low-wage jobs. Herman D. Bloch, “The Employment Status of the New York Negro in Retrospect,” Phylon, vol. 20, no. 4 (1959), pp. 327- 44 ; quotations from pp. 333 and 327.
54 period was estimated well above 50 percent. Ibid., p. 337.
54 estimated the average black family’s income at $1,025. Cheryl Greenberg, “The Politics of Disorder: Reexamining Harlem’s Riots of 1935 and 1943,” Journal of Urban History, vol. 18, no. 4 (August 1992), pp. 395-441; quotation from p. 399.
55 inciting to riot and malicious mischief to felonious assault and burglary. Ibid., pp. 403-8.
55 “to arrest an unarmed drunk, hit the drunk so hard that he died.” Ibid., p. 414.
55 white-collar positions at Consolidated Edison. Ibid., pp. 418-19.
56 two liberals campaigned together—and both won. Dominic J. Capeci, “From Different Liberal Perspectives: Fiorello H. LaGuardia, Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., and Civil Rights in New York City, 1941-1943,” Journal of Negro History, vol. 62, no. 2 (April 19 77), pp. 160-73; quotations from pp. 160-63.
56 Walton High School, Powell denounced the action. Ibid., p. 164.
56 over fascism abroad and racial discrimination at home. See “The Courier’s Double ’V’ for Double Victory Campaign Gets Country-Wide Support,” Pittsburgh Courier, February 14, 1942; and Lee Finkle, Forum for Protest (Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1975).
57 executive order placing the streetcar company under army control. Philip S. Foner, Organized Labor and the Black Worker, 1619-1981, second edition (New York: International Publishers, 1981), p. 265.
57 “a certain respect for white Americans faded.” James Baldwin, The Fire Next Time (New York: Dell, 1970), p. 76.
57 even the rising Republican star Thomas E. Dewey. Ibid., pp. 50, 52. Sources on the Savoy Ballroom include: Jervis Anderson, This Was Harlem, 1900-1950 (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1982); Morgan Smith and Marvin Smith, Harlem: The Vision of Morgan and Marvin Smith (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1997); and Stearns, Jazz Dance.
57 stop the ballroom from being closed down. Russell Gold, “Guilty of Syncopation, Joy, and Animation: The Closing