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Goths. For that reason, the Goths (Gouththon te kai Germanon) of Shapur’s monumental inscription are the first certain attestation of Goths in Roman service: see the text at M. Back, Die Sassanidischen Staatsinschriften (Leiden, 1978), 290–91. The opaque evidence of Peter the Patrician, frag. 8 (FHG 4: 186) may refer to these Goths as well.

[28] W. S. Hanson and I. P. Haynes, eds., Roman Dacia: The Making of a Provincial Society, Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplement 56 (Portsmouth, RI, 2004).

Chapter Three: The Search for Gothic Origins

[29] It has now been shown that the real site of the battle was nearly 80 kilometres distance from Detmold at Kalkriese.

[30] Jordanes, Getica 316.

[31] Jordanes, Getica 1.

[32] Jordanes, Getica 2–3.

[33] Jordanes, Getica 65.

[34] Jordanes, Getica 25: velut vagina nationum.

[35] Jordanes, Getica 25–28.

[36] E.g., Jordanes, Getica 68, where the connection is most explicit.

[37] The subtlest and most important work to emerge from this school of thought is Walter Pohl, ‘Aux origines d’une Europe ethnique. Transformations d’identités entre Antiquité et Moyen Âge’, AnnalesHSS 60 (2005): 183–208.

[38] Jordanes, Getica 29.

[39] Jordanes, Getica 47.

[40] Jordanes, Getica 28.

[41] Jordanes, Getica 43.

[42] The Gotones mentioned in Tacitus, Germania 44.1 and located somewhere in what is now modern Poland would not be regarded as Goths if Jordanes’ migration stories did not exist.

[43] W. Pohl, ‘Telling the difference: signs of ethnic identity’, in W. Pohl and H. Reimitz, eds., Strategies of Distinction: The Construction of Ethnic Communities, 300–800 (Leiden, 1998), 17–69.

[44] But the Greek may actually be a loanword from Sumerian: Jonathan Hall, Hellenicity: Between Ethnicity and Culture (Chicago, 2002), 112.

[45] Dexippus, frag. 6.1 (Jacoby) = 24 (Müller); Zosimus, HN 1.37.2, derived from Dexippus.

[46] Codex Theodosianus 14.10.2.

[47] S. Brather, Ethnische Interpretationen in der frühgeschichtlichen Archäologie: Geschichte, Grundlagen und Alternativen (Berlin, 2004). For a short English introduction to the ideas developed at length in Brather’s large book, see his ‘Ethnic identities as constructions of archaeology: the case of the Alamanni’, in Andrew Gillett, ed., On Barbarian Identity: Critical Approaches to Ethnicity in the Early Middle Ages (Turnhout, 2002), 149–76.

[48] E.g., V. Bierbrauer, ‘Archäologie und Geschichte der Goten vom 1.–7. Jahrhundert’, Frühmittelalterlichen Studien 28 (1994): 51–172.

[49] P. Heather, The Goths (Oxford, 1996), 19.

[50] I draw the phrase from R. Reece, ‘Interpreting Roman hoards’, World Archaeology 20 (1988): 261–69, who cites it from M. Jarrett, ‘Magnus Maximus and the end of Roman Britain’, Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion for 1983 (1983), 22–35 at 22.

[51] Rolf Hachmann, Die Goten und Skandinavien (Berlin, 1970).

[52] Michel Kazanski, Les Goths (Paris, 1993).

[53] Bernard S. Cohen, Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India (Princeton, 1996).

Chapter Four: Imperial Politics and the Rise of Gothic Power

[54] For the Sarmatian campaign see T. D. Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius (Cambridge, MA, 1981), 299 n. 15. For the Carpic, ibid., 300 n. 30.

[55] Jordanes, Getica 110.

[56] Epitome de Caesaribus 41.3.

[57] Constantine (306/307): Pan. Lat. 6.10.2; 4.16.4–5; 7.4.2; Lactantius, De mort. pers. 29.3; Eusebius, Vita Const. 1.25. Licinius: ILS 660 (27 June 310).

[58] Pan. Lat. 6.2.1.

[59] Pan. Lat. 4.17.1–2; Optatianus, Carm. 10.24–28; Anon. post Dionem 15.1 (FHG 4: 199); RIC 7.185 (Trier 240, 241) for Crispus’ victory over the Franks, ibid. (Trier 237–239) for the Alamanni.

[60] The victories are recorded in Optatianus, Carm. 6.18–21 and Zosimus, HN 2.21. Orig. Const. 21 describes the victory as Gothic, but the numismatic and epigraphic evidence is decisive.

[61] RIC 7.135 (Lyons 209–222); AE (1934), 158.

[62] CIL 1: 2335; for the appropriate