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in a closed bag that was passed along from person to person, row to row. Soetevent got the churches to let him switch things up, randomly substituting an open collection basket for the closed bags over a period of several months. He wanted to know if the added scrutiny changed the donation patterns. (An open basket lets you see how much money has already been collected as well as how much your neighbor puts in.) Indeed it did: with open baskets, the churchgoers gave more money, including fewer small-denomination coins, than with closed bags—although, interestingly, the effect petered out once the open baskets had been around for a while. See Soetevent, “Anonymity in Giving in a Natural Context—a Field Experiment in 30 Churches,” Journal of Public Economics 89 (2005). / 123 A “stupid automaton”: see A.H. Pierce, “The Subconscious Again,” Journal of Philosophy, Psychology, & Scientific Methods 5 (1908). / 123 “Forced cooperation”: see Martin T. Orne, “On the Social Psychological Experiment: With Particular Reference to Demand Characteristics and Their Implications,” American Psychologist 17, no. 10 (1962). / 123 “Why Nazi officers obeyed”: see Stanley Milgram, “Behavioral Study of Obedience,” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 67, no. 4 (1963). / 123 The Stanford prison experiments: see Craig Haney, Curtis Banks, and Philip Zimbardo, “Interpersonal Dynamics in a Simulated Prison,” International Journal of Criminology and Penology 1 (1973).

“IMPURE ALTRUISM”: Americans as top givers: see “International Comparisons of Charitable Giving,” Charities Aid Foundation briefing paper, November 2006. And for the correspondingly strong tax incentives, see David Roodman and Scott Standley, “Tax Policies to Promote Private Charitable Giving in DAC Countries,” Center for Global Development, working paper, January 2006. / 124 “Impure” and “warm-glow” altruism: see James Andreoni, “Giving with Impure Altruism: Applications to Charity and Ricardian Equivalence,” Journal of Political Economy 97 (December 1989); and Andreoni, “Impure Altruism and Donations to Public Goods: A Theory of Warm-Glow Giving,” Economic Journal 100 (June 1990). / 124 The economics of panhandling: see Gary S. Becker, “Spouses and Beggars: Love and Sympathy,” in Accounting for Tastes (Harvard University Press, 1998). / 124 Organ transplant waiting lists: this information was gleaned from the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services’ Organ Procurement and Transplant Network website, at www.optn.org. Further material was generated by the economist Julio Jorge Elias of State University of New York, Buffalo. See also Becker and Elias, “Introducing Incentives in the Market for Live and Cadaveric Organ Donations,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 21, no. 3 (Summer 2007); and Stephen J. Dubner and Steven D. Levitt, “Flesh Trade,” The New York Times Magazine, July 9, 2006. / 124–125 No waiting list in Iran: see Benjamin E. Hippen, “Organ Sales and Moral Travails: Lessons from the Living Kidney Vendor Program in Iran,” Cato Institute, Policy Analysis, no. 614, March 20, 2008; and Stephen J. Dubner, “Human Organs for Sale, Legally, in…Which Country?” Freakonomics blog, The New York Times, April 29, 2008.

KITTY GENOVESE REVISITED: See the notes at the top of this chapter section for a list of the sources we relied upon for the reappraisal of the case. This second section drew substantially on interviews with Joseph De May Jr. and Mike Hoffman, as well as A.M. Rosenthal’s book Thirty-Eight Witnesses…. One of us (Dubner) had the opportunity to work with Rosenthal as the latter’s days at the Times expired. Even toward the end of his life (he died in 2006), Rosenthal remained a forceful journalist and an exceedingly sharp-opinioned man who didn’t suffer fools or, as some have argued, dissenting opinions. In 2004, Rosenthal participated in a symposium at Fordham University in New York to mark the fortieth anniversary of the Genovese murder. He offered a singular explanation for his obsession with the case: “Why did the Genovese incident move me so deeply? I tell you