The Conflict [27]
and the political bosses are interesting examples of this basic truth. They have arisen because science, revolutionizing human society, has compelled it to organize. The organization is crude and clumsy and stupid, as yet, because men are ignorant, are experimenting, are working in the dark. So, the organizing forces are necessarily crude and clumsy and stupid.
Mr. Hastings was--all unconsciously--organizing society industrially. Mr. Kelly--equally unconscious of the true nature of his activities--was organizing society politically. And as industry and politics are--and ever have been--at bottom two names for identically the same thing, Mr. Hastings and Mr. Kelly were bound sooner or later to get together.
Remsen City was organized like every other large or largish community. There were two clubs--the Lincoln and the Jefferson--which well enough represented the ``respectable elements''--that is, those citizens who were of the upper class. There were two other clubs--the Blaine and the Tilden--which were similarly representative of the ``rank and file'' and, rather, of the petty officers who managed the rank and file and voted it and told it what to think and what not to think, in exchange taking care of the needy sick, of the aged, of those out of work and so on. Martin Hastings--the leading Republican citizen of Remsen City, though for obvious reasons his political activities were wholly secret and stealthy--was the leading spirit in the Lincoln Club. Jared Olds-- Remsen City's richest and most influential Democrat, the head of the gas company and the water company-- was foremost in the Jefferson Club. At the Lincoln and the Jefferson you rarely saw any but ``gentlemen'' --men of established position and fortune, deacons and vestrymen, judges, corporation lawyers and the like. The Blaine and the Tilden housed a livelier and a far less select class--the ``boys''--the active politicians, the big saloon keepers, the criminal lawyers, the gamblers, the chaps who knew how to round up floaters and to handle gangs of repeaters, the active young sports working for political position, by pitching and carrying for the political leaders, by doing their errands of charity or crookedness or what not. Joe House was the ``big shout'' at the Tilden; Dick Kelly could be found every evening on the third --or ``wine,'' or plotting--floor of the Blaine-- found holding court. And very respectful indeed were even the most eminent of Lincoln, or Jefferson, respectabilities who sought him out there to ask favors of him.
The bosses tend more and more to become mere flunkeys of the plutocrats. Kelly belonged to the old school of boss, dating from the days when social organization was in the early stages, when the political organizer was feared and even served by the industrial organizer, the embryo plutocrats. He realized how necessary he was to his plutocratic master, and he made that master treat him almost as an equal. He was exacting ever larger pay for taking care of the voters and keeping them fooled; he was getting rich, and had as yet vague aspirations to respectability and fashion. He had stopped drinking, had ``cut out the women,'' had made a beginning toward a less inelegant way of speaking the language. His view of life was what is called cynical. That is, he regarded himself as morally the equal of the respectable rulers of society--or of the preachers who attended to the religious part of the grand industry of ``keeping the cow quiet while it was being milked.''
But Mr. Kelly was explaining to Martin Hastings what he meant when he said that there was ``hell to pay'':
``That infernal little cuss, Victor Dorn,'' said he ``made a speech in the Court House Square to-day. Of course, none of the decent papers--and they're all decent except his'n--will publish any of it. Still, there was about a thousand people there before he got through--and the thing'll spread.''
``Speech?--what about?'' said Hastings. ``He's always shooting off his mouth. He'd better stop talking and go to work at some honest business.''
Mr. Hastings was--all unconsciously--organizing society industrially. Mr. Kelly--equally unconscious of the true nature of his activities--was organizing society politically. And as industry and politics are--and ever have been--at bottom two names for identically the same thing, Mr. Hastings and Mr. Kelly were bound sooner or later to get together.
Remsen City was organized like every other large or largish community. There were two clubs--the Lincoln and the Jefferson--which well enough represented the ``respectable elements''--that is, those citizens who were of the upper class. There were two other clubs--the Blaine and the Tilden--which were similarly representative of the ``rank and file'' and, rather, of the petty officers who managed the rank and file and voted it and told it what to think and what not to think, in exchange taking care of the needy sick, of the aged, of those out of work and so on. Martin Hastings--the leading Republican citizen of Remsen City, though for obvious reasons his political activities were wholly secret and stealthy--was the leading spirit in the Lincoln Club. Jared Olds-- Remsen City's richest and most influential Democrat, the head of the gas company and the water company-- was foremost in the Jefferson Club. At the Lincoln and the Jefferson you rarely saw any but ``gentlemen'' --men of established position and fortune, deacons and vestrymen, judges, corporation lawyers and the like. The Blaine and the Tilden housed a livelier and a far less select class--the ``boys''--the active politicians, the big saloon keepers, the criminal lawyers, the gamblers, the chaps who knew how to round up floaters and to handle gangs of repeaters, the active young sports working for political position, by pitching and carrying for the political leaders, by doing their errands of charity or crookedness or what not. Joe House was the ``big shout'' at the Tilden; Dick Kelly could be found every evening on the third --or ``wine,'' or plotting--floor of the Blaine-- found holding court. And very respectful indeed were even the most eminent of Lincoln, or Jefferson, respectabilities who sought him out there to ask favors of him.
The bosses tend more and more to become mere flunkeys of the plutocrats. Kelly belonged to the old school of boss, dating from the days when social organization was in the early stages, when the political organizer was feared and even served by the industrial organizer, the embryo plutocrats. He realized how necessary he was to his plutocratic master, and he made that master treat him almost as an equal. He was exacting ever larger pay for taking care of the voters and keeping them fooled; he was getting rich, and had as yet vague aspirations to respectability and fashion. He had stopped drinking, had ``cut out the women,'' had made a beginning toward a less inelegant way of speaking the language. His view of life was what is called cynical. That is, he regarded himself as morally the equal of the respectable rulers of society--or of the preachers who attended to the religious part of the grand industry of ``keeping the cow quiet while it was being milked.''
But Mr. Kelly was explaining to Martin Hastings what he meant when he said that there was ``hell to pay'':
``That infernal little cuss, Victor Dorn,'' said he ``made a speech in the Court House Square to-day. Of course, none of the decent papers--and they're all decent except his'n--will publish any of it. Still, there was about a thousand people there before he got through--and the thing'll spread.''
``Speech?--what about?'' said Hastings. ``He's always shooting off his mouth. He'd better stop talking and go to work at some honest business.''