The Conflict [28]
``He's got on to the fact that this strike is a put-up job--that the company hired labor detectives in Chicago last winter to come down here and get hold of the union. He gave names--amounts paid--the whole damn thing.''
``Um,'' said Hastings, rubbing his skinny hands along the shiny pantaloons over his meagre legs. ``Um.''
``But that ain't all,'' pursued Kelly. ``He read out a list of the men told off to pretend to set fire to the car barns and start the riot--those Chicago chaps, you know.''
``I don't know anything about it,'' said Hastings sharply.
Kelly smiled slightly--amused scorn. It seemed absurd to him for the old man to keep up the pretense of ignorance. In fact, Hastings was ignorant--of the details. He was not quite the aloof plutocrat of the modern school, who permits himself to know nothing of details beyond the dividend rate and similar innocent looking results of causes at which sometimes hell itself would shudder. But, while he was more active than the conscience-easing devices now working smoothly made necessary, he never permitted himself to know any unnecessary criminal or wicked fact about his enterprises.
``I don't know,'' he repeated. ``And I don't want to know.''
``Anyhow, Dorn gave away the whole thing. He even read a copy of your letter of introduction to the governor--the one you--according to Dorn--gave Fillmore when you sent him up to the Capitol to arrange for the invitation to come after the riot.''
Hastings knew that the boss was deliberately ``rubbing it in'' because Hastings--that is, Hastings' agents had not invited Kelly to assist in the project for ``teaching the labor element a much needed lesson.'' But knowledge of Kelly's motive did not make the truth he was telling any less true--the absurd mismanagement of the whole affair, with the result that Dorn seemed in the way to change it from a lesson to labor on the folly of revolt against their kind and generous but firm employers into a provoker of fresh and fiercer revolt --effective revolt--political revolt. So, as Kelly ``rubbed,'' Hastings visibly winced and writhed.
Kelly ended his recital with: ``The speech created a hell of a sensation, Mr. Hastings. That young chap can talk.''
``Yes,'' snapped Hastings. ``But he can't do anything else.''
``I'm not so sure of that,'' replied Kelly, who was wise enough to realize the value of a bogey like Dorn --its usefulness for purposes of ``throwing a scare into the silk-stocking crowd.'' ``Dorn's getting mighty strong with the people.''
``Stuff and nonsense!'' retorted Hastings. ``They'll listen to any slick tongued rascal that roasts those that are more prosperous than they are. But when it comes to doing anything, they know better. They envy and hate those that give them jobs, but they need the jobs.''
``There's a good deal of truth in that, Mr. Hastings,'' said Kelly, who was nothing if not judicial. ``But Dorn's mighty plausible. I hear sensible men saying there's something more'n hot air in his facts and figgures.'' Kelly paused, and made the pause significant.
``About that last block of traction stock, Mr. Hastings. I thought you were going to let me in on the ground floor. But I ain't heard nothing.''
``You ARE in,'' said Hastings, who knew when to yield. ``Hasn't Barker been to see you? I'll attend to it, myself.''
``Thank you, Mr. Hastings,'' said Kelly--dry and brief as always when receipting with a polite phrase for pay for services rendered. ``I've been a good friend to your people.''
``Yes, you have, Dick,'' said the old man heartily. ``And I want you to jump in and take charge.''
Hastings more than suspected that Kelly, to bring him to terms and to force him to employ directly the high-priced Kelly or Republico-Democratic machine as well as the State Republico-Democratic machine, which was cheaper, had got together the inside information and had ordered one of his henchmen to convey it to Dorn. But of what use to quarrel with Kelly? Of course, he could depose him; but that would simply mean putting