The Two Koreas_ A Contemporary History - Don Oberdorfer [73]
As the country moved toward elections, it seemed distinctly possible, perhaps likely, that Kim could win a free and fair presidential balloting in the light of his popularity, the widespread respect for what he had suffered at the hands of Park, and the strong popular reaction against military rule. As early as mid-March, Gleysteen had observed the inherent contradiction in the emergence of Chun and the reemergence of Kim, and he reported to Washington that this ultimately would have to be resolved, "yet no one knows exactly how and when this will occur."
A large number of soldiers had invaded Kim's house as martial law was declared, and they searched it thoroughly as they took the political leader away. Soldiers also arrested at least nine of his secretaries, bodyguards, and close political associates. Just a few hours earlier, as rumors circulated that Kim would be arrested on charges of inciting student demonstrations, Gleysteen had warned the Blue House chief of staff, Choi Kwang Soo, that arrests of any politicians amid the growing tension was "ill advised" and that the arrest of Kim Dae Jung could be "incendiary."
The ambassador's prediction proved to be accurate. While troops quickly imposed a sullen order on Seoul, the declaration of martial law and especially the arrest of Kim touched off passionate protests in Kwangju, the capital of Kim's home region of southwestern Korea. After relatively routine early clashes between students and combat police early that Sunday, aggressive black-beret special forces troops arrived to quell the demonstrations. Tim Warnberg, a Peace Corps volunteer, recounted what he saw next:
The soldiers charged and began swinging their clubs. We ran along with the panicked crowd and I ended up in a small store along with about 15 other people, including one other PCV [Peace Corps Volunteer]. A soldier came into the store and proceeded to club everyone over the head with his truncheon until he came to the other volunteer and me. He stopped, startled, hesitated a moment, and then ran out. We went out into the side street and found that the troops had retreated to the main street, leaving behind wounded people everywhere. Most of the injured had suffered serious blows to the head, arms or legs.... One young boy, bleeding from a gash on his forehead, told us he had been playing billiards when the paratroopers burst in and beat each person sharply on the head and then withdrew. The others had similar stories-though some were actively demonstrating, many were simply attending to their business when the troops indiscriminately began to beat them.
Martha Huntley, a missionary who had lived in Kwangju for nearly fifteen years, reported that
one man we knew, a businessman about thirty, was pulled off the bus he was riding (along with other youngish-looking people), and was kicked about the head so bad he lost an eye. Another young mother about the same age, thirty or early thirties, was taking her two children to Sunday school, was beaten and left unconscious on the sidewalk-she had to have stitches in her scalp and was incoherent for four months-her husband joined the students Sunday afternoon when they fought with the soldiers. No one knew what was happening or why.
Early on May 21, after three days of indiscriminate attacks by special forces and increasingly large, passionate, and violent opposition from Kwangju residents, townspeople commandeered military vehicles and raided weapons dumps to seize pistols, rifles, and thousands of rounds of ammunition. After a pitched battle with the special forces, a group of students set up a machine gun on the roof of a local hospital. When it became clear that the brutal tactics of the troops were not succeeding, they were withdrawn to the outskirts, where they proceeded to seal off the city.
The following day, more than 30,000 Kwangju people gathered in front of the provincial administration building, now taken over by protesters, to cheer demands