Why Leaders Lie - Mearsheimer, John J_ [60]
6. P. M. H. Bell, John Bull and the Bear: British Public Opinion, Foreign Policy, and the Soviet Union, 1941–1945 (London: Arnold, 1990); Martin H. Folly, Churchill, Whitehall, and the Soviet Union, 1940–45 (New York: St. Martin’s, 2000); John Lewis Gaddis, The United States and the Origins of the Cold War, 1941–1947 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1972), chap. 2; Ralph B. Levering, American Opinion and the Russian Alliance, 1939–1945 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1976), chaps. 3–5; Ido Oren, “The Subjectivity of the ‘Democratic’ Peace: Changing U.S. Perceptions of Imperial Germany,” International Security 20, no. 2 (Fall 1995): 181–82; Ronald Smelser and Edward J. Davies II, The Myth of the Eastern Front: The Nazi-Soviet War in American Popular Culture (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), chap. 1.
7. The Soviet Union murdered about 22,000 Poles in April-May 1940. Roughly 4,400 were buried in the Katyn Forest. The remaining victims were killed and buried in other locations. George Sanford, Katyn and the Soviet Massacre of 1940: Truth, Justice and Memory (New York: Routledge, 2005), 1. Among the best sources on Katyn and how Churchill and Roosevelt reacted are Bell, John Bull, chap. 4; Allen Paul, Katy: The Untold Story of Stalin’s Polish Massacre (New York: Scribner’s, 1991), chap. 22; Sanford, Katyn and the Soviet Massacre, chaps. 6–7; Victor Zaslavsky, Class Cleansing: The Katyn Massacre, trans. Kizer Walker (New York: Telos, 2008), chap. 5.
8. Quoted in Paul, Katy, 303.
9. Bell, John Bull, 119. On the Roosevelt administration’s efforts to cover up Soviet responsibility for what happened in the Katyn forest, see Paul, Katy, 306–15; Sanford, Katyn and the Soviet Massacre, 159–66.
10. The quotes in this paragraph are from Alan Bullock, Hitler, a Study in Tyranny, rev. ed. (New York: Harper & Row, 1964), 546–47. See also Joachim C. Fest, Hitler, trans. Richard and Clara Winston (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1974), 598–600; Bradley Lightbody, The Second World War: Ambitions to Nemesis (New York: Routledge, 2004), 39.
11. Max Hastings, Bomber Campaign: Churchill’s Epic Campaign (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989), 171. See also Stephen A. Garrett, Ethics and Airpower in World War II: The British Bombing of German Cities (New York: St. Martin’s, 1993), 30–37.
12. David Bamber, “Bin Laden: Yes, I Did It,” Daily Telegraph, November 11, 2001; Peter L. Bergen, The Osama bin Laden I Know: An Oral History of Al-Qaeda’s Leader (New York: Free Press, 2006), 321–22; Bruce Lawrence, ed., Messages to the World: The Statements of Osama bin Laden, trans. James Howarth (London: Verso, 2005), 140–41.
13. Michael Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars: A Moral Argument with Historical Illustrations, 3rd ed. (New York: Basic Books, 2000), 19.
Chapter 8
1. For a good discussion of the costs of lying for a society, see Evelin Sullivan, The Concise Book of Lying (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2001), 55–147.
2. Francis Fukuyama, Trust: The Social Virtues and The Creation of Prosperity (New York: Free Press, 1995); Luigi Guiso, Paola Sapienza, Luigi Zingales, “The Role of Social Capital in Financial Development” (working paper 7563, National Bureau of Economic Research, February 2000); Marc J. Hetherington, Why Trust Matters: Declining Political Trust and the Demise of American Liberalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005); Stephen Knack and Philip Keefer, “Does Social Capital Have an Economic Payoff? A Cross-Country Investigation,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 112, no. 4 (November 1997): 1251–88; Rafael La Porta et al., “Trust in Large Organizations,” American Economic Review 87, no. 2 (May 1997): 333–38; Robert D. Putnam, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993);