God's Fury, England's Fire_ A New History of the English Civil Wars - Michael J. Braddick [393]
55. Ian Roy, ‘Rupert, Prince and Count Palatine of the Rhine and Duke of Cumberland (1619–1682)’, ODNB, 48, pp. 141–54.
56. Sheils, ‘English Catholics’, p. 141.
57. John Morrill (ed.), Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution (Harlow, 1990); Barry Coward, Oliver Cromwell (Harlow, 1991), intr. and ch. 1; Blair Worden, ‘Oliver Cromwell and the Sin of Achan’, in Derek Beales and Geoffrey Best (eds.), History, Society and the Churches: Essays in Honour of Owen Chadwick (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 125–45.
58. Holmes, Eastern Association, pp. 54–5.
59. Walter, Understanding Popular Violence.
60. For Somerset see above, pp. 215–16; Stoyle, Loyalty and Locality, pp. 39–40.
61. Stoyle, Loyalty and Locality, p. 143.
62. Morrill, Cheshire, pp. 78–9. Brian Manning, The English People and the English Revolution (Harmondsworth, 1976), chs. 7–8, argues for an independent middling sort parliamentarianism lined up against an aristocratic loyalism supported by deferential tenants. While valuable in emphasizing the potential of political commitments below the level of the gentry he is surely too dismissive of the possibility of a genuine popular royalism: see his position in Aristocrats, Plebeians and Revolution in England, 1640–1660 (London, 1996), esp. pp. 56–8. This line is also detected by many commentators in Underdown, Somerset, and David Underdown, Revel, Riot and Rebellion: Popular Politics and Culture in England 1603–1660 (Oxford, 1985). For a review and rebuttal see Buchanan Sharp, ‘Rural Discontents and the English Revolution’, in Richardson (ed.), Town and Countryside, pp. 251–72. On deference and independence more generally, see C. B. Phillips, ‘Landlord-Tenant Relationships 1642–1660’, in Richardson (ed.), Town and Countryside, esp. pp. 226–33; Morrill, Revolt in the Provinces, 2nd edn, pp. 185–9.
63. Hughes, Warwickshire, pp. 142–65; Warmington, Gloucestershire, pp. 33–7.
64. Underdown, Revel, Riot and Rebellion is the pioneering work of this kind, followed by Stoyle, Loyalty and Locality, see esp. here, ch. 7. For some searching but respectful criticism of Underdown see John Morrill, ‘The Ecology of Allegiance’, reprinted in John Morrill, The Nature of the English Revolution (Harlow, 1993), pp. 224–41. See also David Underdown, ‘A Reply to John Morrill’, JBS, 26 (1987), 468–79 and Morrill, Revolt in the Provinces, 2nd edn, pp. 186–7.
65. A case made very powerfully by Holmes, Eastern Association, ch. 3.
66. See David Underdown, ‘The Problem of Popular Allegiance in the English Civil War’, TRHS, 5th ser., 31 (1981), 69–94, at pp. 92–3 for some suggestive comments along these lines.
67. Andy Wood, ‘Beyond Post-Revisionism?: The Civil War Allegiances of the Miners of the Derbyshire “Peak Country”’, HJ, 40 (1997), 23–40.
68. An argument put most pungently by Manning, Aristocrats, Plebeians and Revolution, ch. 8.
69. Keith Lindley, Fenland Riots and the English Revolution (London, 1982); Clive Holmes, ‘Drainers and Fenmen: The Problem of Popular Political Consciousness in the Seventeenth Century’, in Anthony Fletcher and John Stevenson (eds.), Order and Disorder in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 166–95, esp. pp. 168–9.
70. See above, p. 123.
71. Daniel C. Beaver, ‘Sacrifice, Venison and the Social Order in Waltham Forest, 1608–1642’ (unpublished paper). These disputes are discussed more fully in ch. 15.
72. Daniel C. Beaver, ‘The Great Deer Massacre: Animals, Honor, and Communication in Early Modern England’, JBS, 38 (1999), 187–216; See also Daniel C. Beaver, ‘“Bragging and daring words”: Honour, Property and the Symbolism of the Hunt in Stowe, 1590–1642’, in Braddick and Walter (eds.), Negotiating Power, pp. 149–65. Purkiss surely misrepresents these events in assimilating them to the effects of hunger (the animals were for the most part not eaten) on soldiers enduring long, hard service (they were not